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The Islamic Republic of Iran uses sexual violence as a hidden means of control

The Islamic Republic of Iran has insidiously and strategically used sexual violence as an integral part of its governance and control mechanisms since its inception.

This practice is not just an expression of brutality, but a deliberate means of consolidating political power, exerting neo-colonial influence, and manipulating socio-economic conditions. Understanding this grim reality is essential to grasping the profound implications of Iran’s tactics for its broader geopolitical ambitions.

Sexual violence plays a multifaceted role in Iran. At its core, it is a method of breaking down the individual’s defenses and thus paving the way for indoctrination and control.

This method of terror forms the backbone of the regime’s secret colonial project, which aims to expand its influence through the establishment of the Shiite Crescent.

As Iran incorporates large parts of its country into its Islamic revolutionary project, it uses sexual violence to destabilize communities, destroy social ties and impose its ideological and political will.

Protesters in support of women in the Islamic Republic of Iran hold a banner reading “Woman Life Freedom” in Ottawa in 2022. (Source: Spencer Colby/Reuters)

Through terror – whether covert or overt, implied or applied – the mullahs enforce strict obedience. The social norms dictated by the regime are maintained through fear and oppression, with any form of resistance or even deviation from the prescribed order being brutally suppressed.

Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, several Arab capitals have fallen under the yoke of the IRI. Tehran’s influence has expanded through a combination of military intervention, political manipulation, and the enforcement of its ideological framework. In Beirut, for example, Hezbollah tightened its grip on IRI support during the Lebanese Civil War in the 1980s. In Baghdad, the IRI’s influence grew significantly after the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003, leading to the establishment of numerous Iranian-backed militias in the country. In Damascus, the mullahs’ support for President Bashar al-Assad during the Syrian Civil War was crucial to maintaining the regime’s power. In Sana’a, the IRI-backed Houthi rebels have controlled the capital since 2015, further demonstrating Tehran’s influence.

These interventions are not random geopolitical maneuvers, but part of a broader strategy of neo-colonial expansion. By destabilizing these regions through violence and terror, Iran ensures that the affected populations remain dependent and compliant.

The use of sexual violence in this context is particularly insidious. It destroys individuals’ psychological defences and makes them more vulnerable to regime indoctrination and control. This method of terror not only subjugates the individual but also tears apart the social fabric of communities, making collective resistance to regime influence increasingly difficult.

Iran’s neo-colonial project, characterized by the formation of the Shiite Crescent, is a testament to this strategy. By extending its ideological and political influence over a number of territories, Tehran seeks to create a contiguous zone of control that expands its sphere of influence and consolidates its power.

Sexual violence as a means of terror and control plays a crucial role in this endeavour. This brutal tactic allows Tehran to maintain its control over individuals and communities, ensuring their subjugation and submission to the regime’s broader geopolitical goals. It destroys the very fabric of an individual’s psychological and emotional being, with far-reaching consequences that extend well beyond the immediate aftermath of the traumatic event. The effects of such abuse are not limited to the initial victimisation, but often manifest themselves in complex and multifaceted ways throughout the victim’s life. A particularly worrying consequence is the risk that victims will unconsciously repeat the trauma they have suffered, thus perpetuating a cycle of abuse. This phenomenon is driven by the unconscious need to process and cope with the original trauma, causing victims to internalise the abuse and develop a subconscious compulsion to repeat the trauma.

The effects of such abuse

The immediate effects of sexual abuse are comparable to a psychological earthquake, causing a profound fragmentation of the victim’s psyche. This initial fragmentation destroys the victim’s self-esteem, security, and trust in others, and often leads to a state of hyperarousal, hypervigilance, and an overwhelming sense of helplessness. These responses, which are part of the body’s natural fight-or-flight mechanism, become maladaptive in the context of abuse, leading to long-term psychological distress.

The long-term consequences of sexual abuse are deep-rooted and varied.

Victims often suffer from chronic anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and various other mental health issues. These conditions are not mere reactions to the trauma, but represent profound changes in the victim’s cognitive and emotional framework. The abuse essentially rewires the brain, creating neural pathways tuned to danger and distrust, fundamentally altering how the victim interacts with the world.

One of the most insidious risks associated with the long-term effects of sexual abuse is the possibility that victims will repeat the trauma they experienced. This repetition can manifest itself in a variety of ways, including abusive behavior toward others, dysfunctional relationships, and self-destructive behavior patterns. Internal psychological mechanisms, learned behavior, and environmental factors all play a critical role in the repetition of trauma. Victims of sexual abuse often grow up in environments where abuse is normalized or not addressed, increasing the likelihood that they will engage in similar behaviors.

In addition, economic exploitation is closely linked to the regime’s use of sexual violence, which involves the regime manipulating difficult economic conditions to force people, especially women, into degrading circumstances in order to boost troop morale and ensure the loyalty of the IRI’s military proxies.

The sexual violence used by the regime even goes so far as to resort to muta’a, or temporary marriages, which serve to exploit young girls under the guise of legality and religious sanction. This practice closely resembles sexual slavery and serves several strategic purposes: it ties young girls’ families to the regime through financial incentives, creates loops of dependency, and reinforces control over private lives. The consequences are devastating, both in terms of immediate harm and long-term social and psychological impacts.

A particularly sinister aspect of this practice is the fate of the children born from these unions, whether through coercion or outright violence. These children are often placed in orphanages controlled by the regime, which are not places of care but institutions of indoctrination and control.

In these state-run orphanages, children are systematically groomed to become loyal instruments of the regime’s ideological and military machine. Without familial or community support systems to offer them alternative perspectives or resistance to regime control, they grow up in an environment where loyalty to the regime is paramount and dissent is nonexistent. From an early age, they are indoctrinated to worship its ideology and are often trained for various roles, including serving as child soldiers or agents for the IRI’s military proxies.

Through this systematic abuse of power, the regime’s influence is deeply embedded in the fabric of society and its reach and control extends across generations.

By placing these children in institutions, the regime ensures that they are separated from any possible family or social support systems that might offer them alternative prospects or resistance to the regime’s control.

A multifaceted approach is needed to address this problem. The international community must recognize that sexual violence is not only a serious human rights violation, but also a targeted strategy of political and social control. To break the structures that perpetuate this vicious cycle of violence, solid international legal frameworks, targeted sanctions and support for civil society movements are essential.

By understanding and combating this strategy as a form of neo-colonialism, the international community can take effective steps to prevent the exploitation of sexual violence as a geopolitical tool and support the sovereignty and dignity of vulnerable populations.

Arab capitals have a duty to recognize the insidious force that is undermining their sovereignty and the integrity of their traditions and history. This recognition is the first step in the struggle to fight back and regain lost ground. By recognizing the true nature of the threat, these countries can better mobilize their resources and mobilize their populations in the fight against the influence of the IRI.

This struggle against the regime, both internal and external, is fundamentally a struggle for liberation. It is a struggle for the liberation of the spirit and the individual, as well as the liberation of nations. By reclaiming their cultural heritage and asserting their autonomy, these nations can free themselves from the cycle of violence and oppression imposed on them by the regime.

The struggle for liberation is not only about resisting external domination, but also about promoting an internal renaissance of cultural pride, social cohesion and political agency.

The author is executive director of the Forum for Foreign Relations and regional director of the American Center for Levant Studies.